Date: Mon, 26 Jul 1999
Subject: National Journal – Mandatory Drug Sentences
DrugSense FOCUS Alert # 117 July 26 1999
National Journal: Stop mandatory minimum sentences
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DrugSense FOCUS Alert # 117 July 26 1999
National Journal: Stop mandatory minimum sentences
While most people reading this already understand the terrible
repercussions of mandatory drug sentences, most politicians either
don’t get it, or don’t want to get it. However, increased attention to
this issue may force them to at least take a harder look at the damage
mandatory minimums cause.
This week the National Journal focused a bright spotlight on the
problem as journalist Stuart Taylor called for the abolition of
mandatory drug sentences. He rightly chastised politicians of all
stripes who have pushed the laws, writing that such legislation has
“been driven through Congress by a bipartisan stampede in every
election year since 1986, as Democrats … have vied with Republicans
in a game of phony-tough one-upmanship, with Presidents Reagan, Bush,
and Clinton eagerly jumping onto the bandwagon.”
Please write to the National Journal to thank Taylor for stating the
case against mandatory minimums so honestly and forcefully, but also
to remind editors that several other aspects of the drug war can’t
stand up under such careful scrutiny.
Thanks for your effort and support.
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CONTACT INFO
Source: National Journal (US)
Contact: [email protected]
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Pubdate: Sun, 17 July 1999
Source: National Journal (US)
Copyright: 1999 The National Journal, Inc.
Section: Opening Argument; Vol. 31, No. 29
Contact: [email protected]
FAX: (202) 833-8069
Mail: 1501 M St., NW #300, Washington, DC 20005
Website: http://www.nationaljournal.com/
Author: Stuart Taylor Jr.
Note: Stuart Taylor Jr. is a senior writer for National Journal magazine,
where “Opening Argument” appears.
THANK GOD FOR MAXINE WATERS (NO, REALLY)
Almost Everyone On Capitol Hill Is Too Terrified To Talk Sense About Drug
Sentencing.
A striking bipartisan consensus has emerged in the House of
Representatives on the need to fix one aspect of the “war” against
drugs that has ravaged the lives and liberties of millions of
Americans over the past 25 years.
This consensus was reflected in the June 24 vote, 375-48, to reform
the Draconian laws authorizing prosecutors and police to confiscate
and forfeit money and property suspected of involvement in drug
dealing and certain other crimes–and to keep the seized assets, in
many cases, even after the owners have been exonerated of all charges.
But when it comes to an even more noxious product of the drug war–the
barbaric federal and state sentencing laws that have helped triple
since 1980 the number of incarcerated Americans, to almost 1.9
million–only 25 of Congress’s 535 members have gotten it right so
far.
They are Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., and the 24 others (mostly
Congressional Black Caucus members) she has lined up to co-sponsor a
bill to abolish the federal laws that establish mandatory minimum
sentences for drug offenses.
These legally irrational, morally bankrupt statutes, together with
their counterparts in the states, have led to the long-term
incarceration of small-time, nonviolent offenders by the hundreds of
thousands. They have been driven through Congress by a bipartisan
stampede in every election year since 1986, as Democrats (including
some of those Black Caucus members) have vied with Republicans in a
game of phony-tough one-upmanship, with Presidents Reagan, Bush, and
Clinton eagerly jumping onto the bandwagon.
Vice President Gore signaled his intention to be part of the problem,
not the solution, in a July 12 speech proposing still more mandatory
sentences (“tougher penalties”) for all kinds of crimes, along with
various (more heavily publicized) gun controls.
Congress has pretty well exhausted the possibilities for cooking up
new drug mandatory minimums: five years without parole for five grams
(one-fifth of an ounce) of crack; 10 years for two ounces; twice as
long for a second drug offense (even if the first was a single
marijuana cigarette); five more years for selling (or giving) drugs to
anyone under 21 (even if the defendant is 18); and dozens more. So
Gore had to reach beyond vowing (yet again) to “crack down on drugs.”
In order to come up with new ways of stripping judges of their
traditional sentencing discretion, he proposed mandatory minimums for
crimes committed “in front of a child” or “against the elderly.”
It’s a testament to the prevalence of political cowardice that almost
everyone in Congress, excepting Black Caucus members like Waters–a
militant liberal with a safe seat whose inner-city black and Hispanic
constituents have borne the brunt of the drug war’s excesses–is too
terrified (or too ill-informed) to talk sense about drug sentencing.
There is certainly little disagreement among the experts that
mandatory drug sentences have had little impact on either the drug
trade or violent crime, while leading to cruelly excessive
imprisonment for many small-time, nonviolent drug couriers and the
like. That is the view of even the most tough-on-crime
Reagan-appointed judges and the most hard-line academic advocates of
long-term imprisonment of violent felons, notably professor John J.
DiIulio Jr. of the University of Pennsylvania, a self-described
“crime-control conservative.”
Nevertheless, many Republican politicians–while outraged by abuses of
the forfeiture laws, which affect property rights– still champion
outrageous prison sentences for nonviolent offenders, a huge
proportion of whom are black, Hispanic, and poor. Meanwhile, many
Democratic politicians join in or stand mute, their sense of outrage
deadened by fear of saying anything that could be demagogued as “soft
on crime.”
But the sudden bipartisan swing against the forfeiture laws may give
some basis for hope that drug war hysteria is receding, and that
federal and state legislators alike will come to appreciate the need
to repeal the mandatory drug sentencing laws. These laws have
devastated the lives and families of too many people who are not
killers, not rapists, not robbers, and not dangerous.
People like Bobby Lee Sothen, a 23-year-old, small-time marijuana
grower from West Virginia, who last year got five years in federal
prison. And like Nicole Richardson, a 19-year-old college freshman
from Mobile, Ala., who got 10 years in 1992 for telling an undercover
federal agent posing as an LSD buyer where to find her boyfriend to
make a payment. And like Monica Clyburn, a Florida welfare mother
with a history of drug abuse, three small children, and a baby on the
way, who got 15 years for filling out some federal forms while helping
her boyfriend peddle his .22-caliber pistol at a pawnshop. (See NJ,
8/15/98, p. 1906.)
It is difficult to overstate how dramatically the long-term
imprisonment of nonviolent as well as violent offenders has soared in
this country since 1970–thanks largely to state statutes such as New
York’s Rockefeller Drug Law and California’s “three strikes” law as
well as the federal mandatory minimums– or how deeply this has harmed
our system of justice and our inner-city communities:
* The rate of imprisonment in the United States has more than
quadrupled over the past 30 years, from about 100 of every 10,000
people to about 450.
* In recent years, as many as 77 per cent of the people entering
prisons and jails were sentenced for nonviolent offenses, according to
a study by the Justice Policy Institute.
* The federal, state, and local governments spent six times as much on
prisons and jails in 1997 ($ 31 billion) as in 1978 ($ 5 billion).
* We are locking up eight times as large a percentage of black people,
and more than three times as large a percentage of Hispanics, as of
whites. More than 70 percent of all new prison admissions are members
of racial minorities. And almost half of all young black men from
Washington, D.C. (to pick one big city), are in prison, on parole, on
probation, on bail, or wanted by police.
* Federal judges spanning the ideological spectrum, stripped of their
traditional discretion to fit the punishment to the crime and the
criminal, have for more than a decade bitterly denounced the mandatory
sentencing laws as engines of grotesque injustice.
What is there to be said in favor of mandatory minimum sentences? Not
much–at least, not in the federal system, in which prosecutors can
now appeal any unduly lenient sentences handed down by the relatively
small number of soft-headed judges.
Many prosecutors argue that they can use their virtually unchecked de
facto sentencing power to pressure small fish to finger bigger fish in
the hope of being rewarded with reduced prison time.
There is some truth in this. But even so, the prosecutors’ leverage
does not seem to have had much real impact on crime. After years of
filling prisons with small fish, law enforcement officials still find
most kingpins out of reach, and the drug trade flourishing. And as
critics of the late, unlamented independent-counsel statute have come
to appreciate, unchecked prosecutorial power is prone to abuse,
injurious to liberty, and more likely to undermine than to promote
respect for law.
Principled liberals should not need to be told this. And now comes
John DiIulio, in the May 17 National Review, to point out that “there
is a conservative crime-control case to be made for repealing all
mandatory-minimum laws now.” While stressing that he still wants to
“incarcerate the really bad guys,” DiIulio asserts that mandatory drug
sentences can get in the way of that goal, and that “the pendulum has
now swung too far away from traditional judicial discretion” in sentencing.
In short, Maxine Waters is right. And then-Rep. George Bush was
right–and wiser than he was to be as President–in 1970, when he
joined in repealing the mandatory drug sentences then on the books,
and said that letting judges fit sentences to crimes “will result in
better justice.”
Now, 29 years later, there’s evidence that many voters may be ahead of
the politicians in seeing the excesses of the prison binge. A
referendum in Arizona last year required that many first-time and
second-time drug offenders be sent to treatment programs rather than
prison.
Perhaps the time is ripe for principled conservatives like House
Judiciary Committee Chairman Henry Hyde–who united to reform the
forfeiture laws with Democrats such as John Conyers Jr. of Michigan
and Barney Frank of Massachusetts, only months after brawling over
impeachment–to form another bipartisan coalition. The goal should be
to abolish mandatory drug sentences, once and for all.
SAMPLE LETTER (sent)
I applaud Stuart Taylor for exposing the injustice and impracticality
of mandatory minimum sentences and forfeiture laws as applied to
nonviolent drug offenders. For too long, too many politicians have
been hooked on harsh anti-drug rhetoric, so hooked that are oblivious
to the unintended consequences of “tough” legislation.
At one time any government that authorized itself to arbitrarily
confiscate private property without so much as a hearing would have
been called undemocratic – and a government that incarcerated huge
segments of particular populations for failing to conform to cultural
expectations would have been called totalitarian. But for roughly two
decades most national leaders have told us such practices define the
American way.
Taylor is correct to call for the abolition of mandatory drug
sentences, but that is only the beginning of changes needed to stop
the drug war’s collateral damage. As the nation continues to wage war
on itself, the supposed enemy grows steadfastly in potency,
availability and profitability.
Stephen Young
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